Friday, July 12, 2013

Wholesale markets supporting private agriculture

 

A vacant lot next to a factory on 114th Street in the western Havana neighborhood of Marianao has become a six-day-a-week wholesale market where farmers and cooperatives sell fresh produce every night to retail vendors, private restauranteurs, and anyone else willing to buy beans by the quintal instead of the pound.

The market started spontaneously in September 2011.  The local government gave its blessing six months later, and the whole operation will soon move a few miles south to a government facility that will be organized and run by a new private cooperative.

A sign says that the market’s hours are 8:00 p.m. to 8:00 a.m.  When I visited a few weeks ago there were 72 trucks parked in formation at 7:00 p.m., and more arriving.  They came from all over – Artemisa, Matanzas, Pinar del Rio, even as far away as Cabaiguan in Sancti Spiritus province.

Dozens of fruit and vegetable varieties were on sale, including lots of sweet-smelling pineapples.  Black beans that sell in town at retail for 15 pesos per pound were going for nine pesos per pound in hundred-pound bags.  Young men make a little money carting customers’ purchases to their cars nearby.  All the vendors chip in to pay four guys who clean up the lot in the morning. 

At the gate, a municipal official notes the content of each truck that comes in, and his rough tally is fed to the office that keeps farm production statistics.  As more and more produce is sold on the open market instead of through the old state contracting system, some believe that government statistics are not capturing all private sales and are becoming less accurate.

As an economic phenomenon, wholesale sales aren’t new in socialist Cuba. 

They were part of a brief free-market produce experiment in the 1980’s that fell victim to a Fidel Castro campaign against “errors and negative tendencies.” 

Since 1994, trucked-in wholesale produce, about two thirds of it from private producers, has been the backbone of Cuba’s current farmers markets.  They would arrive in cities in the predawn hours to sell to retail vendors, which was not exactly legal since those vendors were supposed to be the farmers themselves or their designated representatives.  Only once in memory was that rule enforced, with predictably disastrous results and only for a few days.

What is new today is that the state is now supporting private sales as it shrinks the acopio, the web of state enterprises that contracts, buys, transports, warehouses, and distributes food.  (A retiree in central Cuba told me, regretfully, that the enterprise where he once worked is being dismantled, with workers being laid off and its trucks being sold to private farm cooperatives.)  The government used to buy 85 percent of farmers’ output; that share is now down to about 60 percent, and the goal is to reduce it to about 35 percent.  The remaining government network that will serve hospitals, prisons, and schools, with the rest of the food supply moving through private channels.  Eventually even the libreta, the household food ration book instituted 50 years ago as a temporary measure, will disappear.

The phrase “cutting edge” doesn’t come to mind when we see an open produce market, a common feature of nearly every economy.  But this market represents the slow but steady change in Cuba’s farm sector.  Under new policies, the government is reducing micro-management of farmers and buying less from them, downsizing its own distribution network, and trusting the market eventually to assume the predominant role in pricing and distributing the island’s food supply.  It’s a sign of a new direction that when this Havana market popped up in a vacant lot, the government ignored it, then embraced it and looked for a vacant government facility where a private cooperative would run it, under a roof to shelter everyone from the rain.
 

Thursday, July 11, 2013

Silence broken


Cuban media finally mentions the possibility that Snowden might transit Cuba: Trabajadores sums up a Washington Post article that outlines five options for a Moscow-Caracas flight.

Monday, July 8, 2013

Quotable



“Finally I should state that the recent revelations of the U.S. citizen Edward Snowden allowed the confirmation of the existence of global espionage systems of the United States…Cuba has historically been one of the most attacked and also most spied-upon countries on the planet, and already knew of the existence of these espionage systems…

“We support the sovereign right of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and of all the states of the region in granting asylum to those persecuted for their ideas or their struggles for democratic rights, according to our tradition.

“We do not accept double standards, interference or pressures of any type.  As President Nicolas Maduro has indicated, one cannot give refuge and refuse extradition to Venezuela of an international terrorist like Posada Carriles, the author of, among other crimes, blowing up a Cubana de Aviacion airplane with 73 human beings aboard, and at the same time act as if this sister nation is not exercising its legitimate right.”

– Cuban President Raul Castro before the National Assembly yesterday, delivering his government’s first public comment on the Snowden case; neither he nor Cuban media have commented on the possibility of Snowden passing through Cuba on the way to a country of asylum, nor have they mentioned  Snowden’s request that Cuba grant him asylum

Wednesday, July 3, 2013

Radio Marti on the Damas de Blanco



“They left for not following the rules.  The rules say that whoever disrespects a provincial or national leader is breaking the rules.”  That is how Berta Soler, head of the Damas de Blanco, described the departure of 19 of the group’s members in Santiago to reporter Pablo Alfonso of Radio Marti.  Asked for detail, she declined, saying “I don’t have to give an account of the organization’s internal problems to any news media.” 

The rap against Radio Marti in the past has been that it would ignore stories that would be unpopular in hard-line Miami.  That’s not the case here.  It’s an unpleasant story about a dissident organization that’s popular in Miami, and it’s very thoroughly reported.

Visa complaints



Granma ran an article that may preview Cuba’s message when representatives of Cuba and the United States meet to review the migration accords later this month: “The business is to deny visas, not grant them.”

It cites a “study” by the writer that complains that the U.S. consulate in Havana denies nonimmigrant visas at a very high rate (he cites no percentage) for people wishing to visit family in the United States.  He calculates that a week’s take in interview fees ($175 a pop) is about a half million dollars.  He also alleges that U.S. consular officials take bribes for visas.

No officials are quoted.

The article cites examples of grandmothers who want to visit and return to Cuba.  I’m sure some of them are denied visas when the consulate judges that an applicant for a visitor’s visa really wants to settle in the United States for good.  That happens every day at U.S. consulates everywhere.

The next day, the Herald reported on the State Department’s response, including the fact that 29,000 immigrant visas were issued in 2012:

Revealing previously unknown and surprisingly large figures, the USINT statement said 16,767 Cubans received visitors visas in the first six months of 2013, compared to 9,369 in the same period last year — a 79 percent spike — and that another 29,000 received migrant visas in 2012. Under a 1994 bilateral accord, Washington promised to issue at least 20,000 migrant documents to Cubans per year.

The spikes were the result of stepped-up visa interviews by US consular officials in Havana, from 150 to 600 per day, to clear out a large and years-old backlog of applications. But Havana also greatly eased its restrictions on Cubans’ travel abroad as of Jan. 14.

429,458 entrepreneurs…



…triple the amount that was working in late 2010.  The figure comes from a labor ministry report cited by Xinhua.

This sector is not the solution to all Cuba’s economic problems, but it is the most visible reform, changing the look of every town and the job options of people across Cuba.