It says something about Cuba that Pope Benedict XVI, at age 84 and
traveling with difficulty, will spend three days on the island after visiting
Mexico to greet the local faithful and meet bishops from around Latin America.
Benedict’s pastoral visit will cap Cubans’ celebration of the 400th
anniversary of their patron saint, the Virgin of Charity. Thousands greeted the statue of the virgin in
its just-completed pilgrimage through every Cuban province, taking two months
to make its way through the Havana archdiocese alone. Cardinal Jaime Ortega called the celebration
a “springtime of faith” that drew out a hidden but latent religiosity in a
people whose government once stigmatized all faiths except that of the
communist party.
When Pope John Paul II visited in 1998, Fidel Castro was in charge and
many expected the presence of a charismatic pope to spark big changes.
Today, Cuba is changing on its
own. President Raul Castro is leading a
deliberate but significant economic reform that promises to move more than one
million Cubans from public to private payrolls and has already expanded the
ranks of small entrepreneurs by 200,000.
Government enterprises are to turn a profit or be dissolved. “We have to erase forever the notion that
Cuba is the only country in the world where one can live without working,” he
says.
Cardinal Ortega puts it a little
differently. The economic system is “bureaucratic and Stalinist,” he said in a 2010
interview, and “creates apathetic workers with low productivity.” With a “national consensus” solidly backing
reform, delays only lead to “impatience and dissatisfaction among the people.”
Castro and Ortega make an odd pair – a communist who served four
decades as defense minister, and a pastor whom the communists tried to
re-educate in a work camp in the 1960’s.
Yet their relationship is respectful.
Raul Castro attended a beatification ceremony in eastern Cuba and the
opening of a seminary outside Havana.
They have a regular dialogue that marks the church’s acceptance by the
government as an interlocutor about Cuban domestic policies. In his day, Fidel Castro always preferred to
speak to the Vatican over the heads of the Cuban bishops.
Cuba’s Catholic magazines are pushing the boundaries of the reform
debate with articles – written by clergy, Catholic laity, Cuban academics, and
Cuban Americans – making the case for a greater economic opening and freedom to
travel abroad, and for the communist party to embark on political reform.
In a sense, the church is serving one function of a political
opposition by pressing the government to form policies that serve the public
good, and to keep its promises. But the
church is anything but a political organization, and its public policy voice
derives from what it conceives as its mission to look out not only for Cubans’
spiritual needs, but for their general welfare.
As an editorial in a church publication put it, ideologies “should be at
the service of the Cuban people, not the other way around.”
This role comes with its share of controversy. The church’s good offices were essential to
the release of 130 political prisoners serving long sentences – reducing the
number of prisoners of conscience recognized by Amnesty International to zero –
but when all but twelve accepted an offer to leave for Spain with their
families, the church was accused of weakening the political opposition and
accommodating a form of government antithetical to Christianity.
This argument will not be resolved.
The Cuban Catholic church has reached a prudential judgment that as a
religious institution and Cuba’s largest civil society institution, it does
best to use dialogue and debate to push for change from within, even if that
change is incremental.
That’s an unpopular posture among those who want all Cubans on the
island to take on greater militancy. But
my guess is that Cubans on the island want changes that improve their daily
lives and support the church or anyone else who promotes them. Which is not to say that Cubans don’t cover
the complete spectrum of opinions about the kind of government they would like
to have and the kind of policies they would like it to adopt. But they don’t make the perfect the enemy of
the good. And militancy is easy from
Miami.
Where does this leave Benedict, the “intellectual” pope described by
Cardinal Ortega in remarks on Cuban state television?
His visit will surely be more than pastoral. One can imagine that he will seek greater
space for Catholic religious or charitable activity, and make some requests of
a humanitarian nature.
But Benedict is not likely to “open a new chapter in the history of
Cuba,” as Lech Walesa predicted dramatically last week. His embrace will be a vote of confidence in Cardinal
Ortega and the Cuban church, and as the Vatican’s head of state he will applaud
improved church-state relations in Havana.
But he will leave it to the Cubans to make their own history.